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Красоты Петербурга. Фонтанка в районе сенной площади. Частично деревянный Горсткин мост, который стоит в створе улицы Ефимова (Горсткина улица). Старейшая петербургская ТЭЦ (1898) - "спящий слоник". Дома пропилеи на набережной Фонтанки в конце улицы Ефимова. 1875-1881 - арх. Карпов Григорий Иванович.



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Красоты Петербурга. Фонтанка в районе сенной площади. Частично деревянный Горсткин мост, который стоит в створе улицы Ефимова (Горсткина улица). Старейшая петербургская ТЭЦ (1898) - "спящий слоник". Дома пропилеи на набережной Фонтанки в конце улицы Ефимова. 1875-1881 - арх. Карпов Григорий Иванович.

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At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. Official government accounts have also spread fake fact checks. An official Twitter account for the Russia diplomatic mission in Geneva shared a fake debunking video claiming without evidence that "Western and Ukrainian media are creating thousands of fake news on Russia every day." The video, which has amassed almost 30,000 views, offered a "how-to" spot misinformation. The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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