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В Челябинск прибыл «Поезд Победы». В прошлом году поезд делал остановку на станциях Усть-Катава, Аргаяша и Магнитогорска. Выставку смогли посмотреть более 13 тысяч южноуральцев.
В экспозиции 10 тематических вагонов, посвященных Великой Отечественной войне. Это «Санитарный вагон», «Штабной вагон», «Концлагерь», «Вагон банно-прачечного комплекса», «Брестская крепость» и другие.

Фото Дмитрия Куткина («Вечерний Челябинск»)



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В Челябинск прибыл «Поезд Победы». В прошлом году поезд делал остановку на станциях Усть-Катава, Аргаяша и Магнитогорска. Выставку смогли посмотреть более 13 тысяч южноуральцев.
В экспозиции 10 тематических вагонов, посвященных Великой Отечественной войне. Это «Санитарный вагон», «Штабной вагон», «Концлагерь», «Вагон банно-прачечного комплекса», «Брестская крепость» и другие.

Фото Дмитрия Куткина («Вечерний Челябинск»)

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Russians and Ukrainians are both prolific users of Telegram. They rely on the app for channels that act as newsfeeds, group chats (both public and private), and one-to-one communication. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Telegram has remained an important lifeline for both Russians and Ukrainians, as a way of staying aware of the latest news and keeping in touch with loved ones. "Russians are really disconnected from the reality of what happening to their country," Andrey said. "So Telegram has become essential for understanding what's going on to the Russian-speaking world." Some people used the platform to organize ahead of the storming of the U.S. Capitol in January 2021, and last month Senator Mark Warner sent a letter to Durov urging him to curb Russian information operations on Telegram. He floated the idea of restricting the use of Telegram in Ukraine and Russia, a suggestion that was met with fierce opposition from users. Shortly after, Durov backed off the idea. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform.
from vn


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