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Oirad-Kalmyk activist nomto küükn has written a manifesto, a supremely important text in the context of the decolonial movement in russia. Written from the experience of living one's own otherness, it speaks honestly about the different stages of accepting one's identity, politicizes ethnicity, and offers not a closed, but multiple interpretations of what it might mean to be Oirad-Kalmyk. Entering into dialogue with texts by non-white feminists such as Audrey Lorde and Sarah Ahmed, from a position of Indigenous feminism, the manifesto of nomto küükn stretches connections across generations and contexts of feminist thought, continuing the work of politicizing emotion, difference, and identity. Doing so makes loving and accepting one's people an act of resistance to the colonial machines of erasure, oppression, and shame.

Read the full text on beda.media, and the fragments—in cards.

We prepared this text in collaboration with Oirad-Kalmyk activist movement Oirad Jisan.



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Oirad-Kalmyk activist nomto küükn has written a manifesto, a supremely important text in the context of the decolonial movement in russia. Written from the experience of living one's own otherness, it speaks honestly about the different stages of accepting one's identity, politicizes ethnicity, and offers not a closed, but multiple interpretations of what it might mean to be Oirad-Kalmyk. Entering into dialogue with texts by non-white feminists such as Audrey Lorde and Sarah Ahmed, from a position of Indigenous feminism, the manifesto of nomto küükn stretches connections across generations and contexts of feminist thought, continuing the work of politicizing emotion, difference, and identity. Doing so makes loving and accepting one's people an act of resistance to the colonial machines of erasure, oppression, and shame.

Read the full text on beda.media, and the fragments—in cards.

We prepared this text in collaboration with Oirad-Kalmyk activist movement Oirad Jisan.

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Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Andrey, a Russian entrepreneur living in Brazil who, fearing retaliation, asked that NPR not use his last name, said Telegram has become one of the few places Russians can access independent news about the war. And indeed, volatility has been a hallmark of the market environment so far in 2022, with the S&P 500 still down more than 10% for the year-to-date after first sliding into a correction last month. The CBOE Volatility Index, or VIX, has held at a lofty level of more than 30. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Telegram was co-founded by Pavel and Nikolai Durov, the brothers who had previously created VKontakte. VK is Russia’s equivalent of Facebook, a social network used for public and private messaging, audio and video sharing as well as online gaming. In January, SimpleWeb reported that VK was Russia’s fourth most-visited website, after Yandex, YouTube and Google’s Russian-language homepage. In 2016, Forbes’ Michael Solomon described Pavel Durov (pictured, below) as the “Mark Zuckerberg of Russia.”
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