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Рассказываем как прошла российская часть нашего международного модуля.

⚡️Лекции ведущих профессоров Института стран Азии и Африки, посвященные ключевым вопросам экономики и политики стран Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона (АТР), особенностям международных отношений, специфике взаимодействия с китайскими органами власти и бизнесом и другим актуальным темам.

⚡️Глава Минвостокразвития России Алексей Чекунков поделился личным опытом взаимодействия с китайскими партнерами.

⚡️Проектная работа под руководством наставников программы – руководителей Министерства по развитию Дальнего Востока и Арктики.

⚡️Семинары и защита проектов перед перед профессорами ИСАА МГУ и Московской школы управления СКОЛКОВО.
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Рассказываем как прошла российская часть нашего международного модуля.

⚡️Лекции ведущих профессоров Института стран Азии и Африки, посвященные ключевым вопросам экономики и политики стран Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона (АТР), особенностям международных отношений, специфике взаимодействия с китайскими органами власти и бизнесом и другим актуальным темам.

⚡️Глава Минвостокразвития России Алексей Чекунков поделился личным опытом взаимодействия с китайскими партнерами.

⚡️Проектная работа под руководством наставников программы – руководителей Министерства по развитию Дальнего Востока и Арктики.

⚡️Семинары и защита проектов перед перед профессорами ИСАА МГУ и Московской школы управления СКОЛКОВО.

BY ИСАА МГУ


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Following this, Sebi, in an order passed in January 2022, established that the administrators of a Telegram channel having a large subscriber base enticed the subscribers to act upon recommendations that were circulated by those administrators on the channel, leading to significant price and volume impact in various scrips. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. Given the pro-privacy stance of the platform, it’s taken as a given that it’ll be used for a number of reasons, not all of them good. And Telegram has been attached to a fair few scandals related to terrorism, sexual exploitation and crime. Back in 2015, Vox described Telegram as “ISIS’ app of choice,” saying that the platform’s real use is the ability to use channels to distribute material to large groups at once. Telegram has acted to remove public channels affiliated with terrorism, but Pavel Durov reiterated that he had no business snooping on private conversations. On Feb. 27, however, he admitted from his Russian-language account that "Telegram channels are increasingly becoming a source of unverified information related to Ukrainian events." Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders.
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