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В твиттере зацепил тред о раннем интернете – как это ощущалось, когда всё только начиналось. У меня первый интернет появился в 2001 году – и я до сих пор помню странное ощущение незаполненности пространства, его узости. Помню, что через пару-тройку месяцев активного сидения я почувствовал, что видел вообще всё – посетил все сайты, зарегистрировался на всех форумах, посмотрел все ролики, скачал все картинки.

В жизни редко испытываю сожалению о чём-либо – но о своей инертности в те годы жалею страшно: идей и мыслей было очень много, но ничего не стал развивать.



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В твиттере зацепил тред о раннем интернете – как это ощущалось, когда всё только начиналось. У меня первый интернет появился в 2001 году – и я до сих пор помню странное ощущение незаполненности пространства, его узости. Помню, что через пару-тройку месяцев активного сидения я почувствовал, что видел вообще всё – посетил все сайты, зарегистрировался на всех форумах, посмотрел все ролики, скачал все картинки.

В жизни редко испытываю сожалению о чём-либо – но о своей инертности в те годы жалею страшно: идей и мыслей было очень много, но ничего не стал развивать.

BY Могутин












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Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. Following this, Sebi, in an order passed in January 2022, established that the administrators of a Telegram channel having a large subscriber base enticed the subscribers to act upon recommendations that were circulated by those administrators on the channel, leading to significant price and volume impact in various scrips.
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