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Тем временем, постепенно наполняются экспонатами залы музея, посвящённого СВО в Брянском строительном колледже им. Жуковского. Экспозиция создаётся при содействии Погрануправления ФСБ России по Брянской области, а роспись стен выполнена самими студентами БСК. Среди экспонатов - фрагменты снарядов и БПЛА НАТОВского образца, прилетавшие на территорию Брянской области, манекены в военной форме и даже трофейные награды НАТО. Ждём открытия!



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Тем временем, постепенно наполняются экспонатами залы музея, посвящённого СВО в Брянском строительном колледже им. Жуковского. Экспозиция создаётся при содействии Погрануправления ФСБ России по Брянской области, а роспись стен выполнена самими студентами БСК. Среди экспонатов - фрагменты снарядов и БПЛА НАТОВского образца, прилетавшие на территорию Брянской области, манекены в военной форме и даже трофейные награды НАТО. Ждём открытия!

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Russians and Ukrainians are both prolific users of Telegram. They rely on the app for channels that act as newsfeeds, group chats (both public and private), and one-to-one communication. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Telegram has remained an important lifeline for both Russians and Ukrainians, as a way of staying aware of the latest news and keeping in touch with loved ones. Pavel Durov, Telegram's CEO, is known as "the Russian Mark Zuckerberg," for co-founding VKontakte, which is Russian for "in touch," a Facebook imitator that became the country's most popular social networking site. Recently, Durav wrote on his Telegram channel that users' right to privacy, in light of the war in Ukraine, is "sacred, now more than ever." For example, WhatsApp restricted the number of times a user could forward something, and developed automated systems that detect and flag objectionable content. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform.
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