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В Кибрайском районе Ташкентской области появится «Молодежный проспект», который будет работать в режиме 24/7. На территории комплекса планируют построить коворкинг-центр, караоке-клуб, клуб для киберспортсменов, а также торговые, туристические, культурные и развлекательные объекты.

https://vzglyad.uz/ru/post/2024/12/03/molodezhnyy-prospekt

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В Кибрайском районе Ташкентской области появится «Молодежный проспект», который будет работать в режиме 24/7. На территории комплекса планируют построить коворкинг-центр, караоке-клуб, клуб для киберспортсменов, а также торговые, туристические, культурные и развлекательные объекты.

https://vzglyad.uz/ru/post/2024/12/03/molodezhnyy-prospekt

@vzglyaduz

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But Telegram says people want to keep their chat history when they get a new phone, and they like having a data backup that will sync their chats across multiple devices. And that is why they let people choose whether they want their messages to be encrypted or not. When not turned on, though, chats are stored on Telegram's services, which are scattered throughout the world. But it has "disclosed 0 bytes of user data to third parties, including governments," Telegram states on its website. This provided opportunity to their linked entities to offload their shares at higher prices and make significant profits at the cost of unsuspecting retail investors. Pavel Durov, Telegram's CEO, is known as "the Russian Mark Zuckerberg," for co-founding VKontakte, which is Russian for "in touch," a Facebook imitator that became the country's most popular social networking site. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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