🔰دکتر الهام دانش پرور 🏵رزیدنت روانپزشکی ع.پ ایران 🥇انفرادی آموزش پزشکی(دوره ۱۰) 🥇 گروهی و🥉انفرادی مدیریت نظام سلامت(دوره ۱۱) 🎖منتور آموزش پزشکی ع.پ تهران(دوره ۱۱ تاکنون)
❇️تحلیل منابع حیطه آموزش پزشکی(دوره ۱۶)
-اولویت بندی منابع -تقسیم منابع بین خودتون -جاهای مهم منابع -نحوه خوندن با توجه به فرمت سوالات -تعداد دفعات خواندن -مرور -خلاصه نویسی -اهمیت خواندن مستمر
🔰دکتر الهام دانش پرور 🏵رزیدنت روانپزشکی ع.پ ایران 🥇انفرادی آموزش پزشکی(دوره ۱۰) 🥇 گروهی و🥉انفرادی مدیریت نظام سلامت(دوره ۱۱) 🎖منتور آموزش پزشکی ع.پ تهران(دوره ۱۱ تاکنون)
❇️تحلیل منابع حیطه آموزش پزشکی(دوره ۱۶)
-اولویت بندی منابع -تقسیم منابع بین خودتون -جاهای مهم منابع -نحوه خوندن با توجه به فرمت سوالات -تعداد دفعات خواندن -مرور -خلاصه نویسی -اهمیت خواندن مستمر
On December 23rd, 2020, Pavel Durov posted to his channel that the company would need to start generating revenue. In early 2021, he added that any advertising on the platform would not use user data for targeting, and that it would be focused on “large one-to-many channels.” He pledged that ads would be “non-intrusive” and that most users would simply not notice any change. On Feb. 27, however, he admitted from his Russian-language account that "Telegram channels are increasingly becoming a source of unverified information related to Ukrainian events." In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. "We as Ukrainians believe that the truth is on our side, whether it's truth that you're proclaiming about the war and everything else, why would you want to hide it?," he said. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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