За словами випускниці вишу Владислави Коренної, коли вона прийшла в приймальню попросити їй дати місце в гуртожитку, «на яке і так мала право», її повезли «за Київ», де примушували пити коньяк та «грати в більярд на поцілунок або на 100$».
«Я відповідаю вкотре, що цього не буде і можу лише віддати останні 500 гривень. Але схема гри дуже проста — якщо шар потрапляє в лузу, то поцілунок. І так години дві», — згадала вона.
Окрім цього, ректор розповідав студентці, що в університеті «всі жінки, які займають посади, просто “трахалися” з ним».
За словами випускниці вишу Владислави Коренної, коли вона прийшла в приймальню попросити їй дати місце в гуртожитку, «на яке і так мала право», її повезли «за Київ», де примушували пити коньяк та «грати в більярд на поцілунок або на 100$».
«Я відповідаю вкотре, що цього не буде і можу лише віддати останні 500 гривень. Але схема гри дуже проста — якщо шар потрапляє в лузу, то поцілунок. І так години дві», — згадала вона.
Окрім цього, ректор розповідав студентці, що в університеті «всі жінки, які займають посади, просто “трахалися” з ним».
"For Telegram, accountability has always been a problem, which is why it was so popular even before the full-scale war with far-right extremists and terrorists from all over the world," she told AFP from her safe house outside the Ukrainian capital. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. This ability to mix the public and the private, as well as the ability to use bots to engage with users has proved to be problematic. In early 2021, a database selling phone numbers pulled from Facebook was selling numbers for $20 per lookup. Similarly, security researchers found a network of deepfake bots on the platform that were generating images of people submitted by users to create non-consensual imagery, some of which involved children. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform.
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