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Красоты Крыма на ночь.

Вечерний Севастополь

После захода солнца атмосфера в городе всегда особенная.

Мягкие огоньки на набережной и спокойная бухта под лунным светом.

Здесь всё наполнено историей, но в ночной тишине кажется, что время замедляет ход, и можно по-настоящему преисполниться духом этого героического места.

@crimea_nod



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Красоты Крыма на ночь.

Вечерний Севастополь

После захода солнца атмосфера в городе всегда особенная.

Мягкие огоньки на набережной и спокойная бухта под лунным светом.

Здесь всё наполнено историей, но в ночной тишине кажется, что время замедляет ход, и можно по-настоящему преисполниться духом этого героического места.

@crimea_nod

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In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed. Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." Despite Telegram's origins, its approach to users' security has privacy advocates worried. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. In a message on his Telegram channel recently recounting the episode, Durov wrote: "I lost my company and my home, but would do it again – without hesitation."
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