Силовики лишили российского гражданства дончанина за то, что тот пытался связаться с СБУ ради шпионажа.
Он думал, что сможет выйти на кураторов через соцсети — хотел стать корректировщиком. В итоге попался нашим сотрудникам ФСБ. После разбирательства у него забрали паспорт.
Силовики лишили российского гражданства дончанина за то, что тот пытался связаться с СБУ ради шпионажа.
Он думал, что сможет выйти на кураторов через соцсети — хотел стать корректировщиком. В итоге попался нашим сотрудникам ФСБ. После разбирательства у него забрали паспорт.
What distinguishes the app from competitors is its use of what's known as channels: Public or private feeds of photos and videos that can be set up by one person or an organization. The channels have become popular with on-the-ground journalists, aid workers and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who broadcasts on a Telegram channel. The channels can be followed by an unlimited number of people. Unlike Facebook, Twitter and other popular social networks, there is no advertising on Telegram and the flow of information is not driven by an algorithm. But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford. Artem Kliuchnikov and his family fled Ukraine just days before the Russian invasion. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. "The argument from Telegram is, 'You should trust us because we tell you that we're trustworthy,'" Maréchal said. "It's really in the eye of the beholder whether that's something you want to buy into."
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