Англо-скандинавская дисковая брошь с рисунком в виде филфота, найденная в Тетфорде, Норфолк, 9-10 век. Это местный вариант популярного в Скандинавии дизайна эпохи викингов. С этим вариантом филфота можно легко увидеть, где будут находиться голова и ручка Большой Медведицы. 💎The⚜️Magic⚜️History💎
Англо-скандинавская дисковая брошь с рисунком в виде филфота, найденная в Тетфорде, Норфолк, 9-10 век. Это местный вариант популярного в Скандинавии дизайна эпохи викингов. С этим вариантом филфота можно легко увидеть, где будут находиться голова и ручка Большой Медведицы. 💎The⚜️Magic⚜️History💎
On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. Multiple pro-Kremlin media figures circulated the post's false claims, including prominent Russian journalist Vladimir Soloviev and the state-controlled Russian outlet RT, according to the DFR Lab's report. In this regard, Sebi collaborated with the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) to reduce the vulnerability of the securities market to manipulation through misuse of mass communication medium like bulk SMS. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. Oleksandra Matviichuk, a Kyiv-based lawyer and head of the Center for Civil Liberties, called Durov’s position "very weak," and urged concrete improvements.
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