Что значит «быть русским»: или почему мы вновь очутились на Куликовом поле … XXI века
(ОБЛЕГЧЕННАЯ ВЕРСИЯ)
Меня часто спрашивают оппоненты, почему я отказываю русским в праве на национальность. И эти люди никак не могут понять, что я просто пытаюсь их уберечь от тех ошибок, которые и я (будучи украинским националистом) в свое время совершил. А еще, вся наша история говорит о том, что у нас совершенно другой путь – более высокого порядка, чем пытаться подражать Западу в т.ч. в сознании «национальностей».
Собственно, именно из-за этого нас так и ненавидят представители «цЫвЫлизованных» стран.
Что значит «быть русским»: или почему мы вновь очутились на Куликовом поле … XXI века
(ОБЛЕГЧЕННАЯ ВЕРСИЯ)
Меня часто спрашивают оппоненты, почему я отказываю русским в праве на национальность. И эти люди никак не могут понять, что я просто пытаюсь их уберечь от тех ошибок, которые и я (будучи украинским националистом) в свое время совершил. А еще, вся наша история говорит о том, что у нас совершенно другой путь – более высокого порядка, чем пытаться подражать Западу в т.ч. в сознании «национальностей».
Собственно, именно из-за этого нас так и ненавидят представители «цЫвЫлизованных» стран.
On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. These entities are reportedly operating nine Telegram channels with more than five million subscribers to whom they were making recommendations on selected listed scrips. Such recommendations induced the investors to deal in the said scrips, thereby creating artificial volume and price rise. Overall, extreme levels of fear in the market seems to have morphed into something more resembling concern. For example, the Cboe Volatility Index fell from its 2022 peak of 36, which it hit Monday, to around 30 on Friday, a sign of easing tensions. Meanwhile, while the price of WTI crude oil slipped from Sunday’s multiyear high $130 of barrel to $109 a pop. Markets have been expecting heavy restrictions on Russian oil, some of which the U.S. has already imposed, and that would reduce the global supply and bring about even more burdensome inflation. The picture was mixed overseas. Hong Kong’s Hang Seng Index fell 1.6%, under pressure from U.S. regulatory scrutiny on New York-listed Chinese companies. Stocks were more buoyant in Europe, where Frankfurt’s DAX surged 1.4%.
from us
