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В Питере силовики накрыли оргию для богачей с вибраторами, дилдо, литрами смазки и мирамистина.

Самый дешёвый входной билет на вечеринку года стоил 25 000₽ для девушек и 125 000₽ для мужчин. Самый дорогой билет тем временем стоил 695 тыс. рублей.

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В Питере силовики накрыли оргию для богачей с вибраторами, дилдо, литрами смазки и мирамистина.

Самый дешёвый входной билет на вечеринку года стоил 25 000₽ для девушек и 125 000₽ для мужчин. Самый дорогой билет тем временем стоил 695 тыс. рублей.

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This provided opportunity to their linked entities to offload their shares at higher prices and make significant profits at the cost of unsuspecting retail investors. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford. Soloviev also promoted the channel in a post he shared on his own Telegram, which has 580,000 followers. The post recommended his viewers subscribe to "War on Fakes" in a time of fake news. Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy."
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