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Азаров Д.И., Самарская область
Алиханов А.А., Калининградская область
Бурков А.Л., Омская область
Ведерников М.Ю., Псковская область
Голубев В.Ю., Ростовская область
Гольдштейн Р.Э., ЕАО
Дрозденко А.Ю., Ленинградская область
Здунов А.А., Мордовия
Кадыров Р.А., Чечня
Кобзев И.И., Иркутская область
Кожемяко О.Н., Приморский край
Коков К.В., Кабардино-Балкария
Копин Р.В., ЧАО
Кувшинников О.А., Вологодская область
Куйвашев Е.В., Свердловская область
Минниханов Р.Н., Татарстан
Николаев А.С., Саха (Якутия)
Орлов В.А., Амурская область
Развожаев М.В., Севастополь
Русских А.Ю., Ульяновская область
Собянин С.С., Москва
Солодов В.В., Камчатский край
Старовойт Р.В., Курская область
Текслер А.Л., Челябинская область
Усс А.В., Красноярский область
Цыбульский А.В., Архангельская область
Цыденов А.С., Бурятия
Чибис А.В., Мурманская область
Шапша В.В., Калужская область

(с) Агентство "ПолитБрокер"
@PolitBroker



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Биржа губернаторов 📊

Итоги апреля

Умеренный рост📈

Азаров Д.И., Самарская область
Алиханов А.А., Калининградская область
Бурков А.Л., Омская область
Ведерников М.Ю., Псковская область
Голубев В.Ю., Ростовская область
Гольдштейн Р.Э., ЕАО
Дрозденко А.Ю., Ленинградская область
Здунов А.А., Мордовия
Кадыров Р.А., Чечня
Кобзев И.И., Иркутская область
Кожемяко О.Н., Приморский край
Коков К.В., Кабардино-Балкария
Копин Р.В., ЧАО
Кувшинников О.А., Вологодская область
Куйвашев Е.В., Свердловская область
Минниханов Р.Н., Татарстан
Николаев А.С., Саха (Якутия)
Орлов В.А., Амурская область
Развожаев М.В., Севастополь
Русских А.Ю., Ульяновская область
Собянин С.С., Москва
Солодов В.В., Камчатский край
Старовойт Р.В., Курская область
Текслер А.Л., Челябинская область
Усс А.В., Красноярский область
Цыбульский А.В., Архангельская область
Цыденов А.С., Бурятия
Чибис А.В., Мурманская область
Шапша В.В., Калужская область

(с) Агентство "ПолитБрокер"
@PolitBroker

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The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Since its launch in 2013, Telegram has grown from a simple messaging app to a broadcast network. Its user base isn’t as vast as WhatsApp’s, and its broadcast platform is a fraction the size of Twitter, but it’s nonetheless showing its use. While Telegram has been embroiled in controversy for much of its life, it has become a vital source of communication during the invasion of Ukraine. But, if all of this is new to you, let us explain, dear friends, what on Earth a Telegram is meant to be, and why you should, or should not, need to care. Just days after Russia invaded Ukraine, Durov wrote that Telegram was "increasingly becoming a source of unverified information," and he worried about the app being used to "incite ethnic hatred." Apparently upbeat developments in Russia's discussions with Ukraine helped at least temporarily send investors back into risk assets. Russian President Vladimir Putin said during a meeting with his Belarusian counterpart Alexander Lukashenko that there were "certain positive developments" occurring in the talks with Ukraine, according to a transcript of their meeting. Putin added that discussions were happening "almost on a daily basis." Oleksandra Matviichuk, a Kyiv-based lawyer and head of the Center for Civil Liberties, called Durov’s position "very weak," and urged concrete improvements.
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