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В сирийской провинции Дейр-Эз-Зор жители н.п. Камар Эд-Дин обнаружили БПЛА-камикадзе "Murad-5", который боевики проиранских группировок используют для ударов по воинским частям ВС США. Судя по расположению поселения, целью дрона был один из американских объектов…
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Проиранские группировки опубликовали кадры запуска БПЛА-камикадзе "Murad-5" в направлении израильского г. Хайфа. Инцидент произошел 1 марта. Минобороны Израиля не сообщало о попытках удара по городу.

В ноябре 2023 года боевики использовали аналогичный беспилотник для поражения цели в г. Эйлат. Тогда запущенный из Сирии дрон упал на школу.

Стоит отметить, что после удара по военному объекту ВС США "Tower 22" в Иордании, при котором погибли трое военнослужащих, проиранские группировки значительно снизили свою активность в регионе.



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Проиранские группировки опубликовали кадры запуска БПЛА-камикадзе "Murad-5" в направлении израильского г. Хайфа. Инцидент произошел 1 марта. Минобороны Израиля не сообщало о попытках удара по городу.

В ноябре 2023 года боевики использовали аналогичный беспилотник для поражения цели в г. Эйлат. Тогда запущенный из Сирии дрон упал на школу.

Стоит отметить, что после удара по военному объекту ВС США "Tower 22" в Иордании, при котором погибли трое военнослужащих, проиранские группировки значительно снизили свою активность в регионе.

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Pavel Durov, Telegram's CEO, is known as "the Russian Mark Zuckerberg," for co-founding VKontakte, which is Russian for "in touch," a Facebook imitator that became the country's most popular social networking site. In February 2014, the Ukrainian people ousted pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych, prompting Russia to invade and annex the Crimean peninsula. By the start of April, Pavel Durov had given his notice, with TechCrunch saying at the time that the CEO had resisted pressure to suppress pages criticizing the Russian government. This ability to mix the public and the private, as well as the ability to use bots to engage with users has proved to be problematic. In early 2021, a database selling phone numbers pulled from Facebook was selling numbers for $20 per lookup. Similarly, security researchers found a network of deepfake bots on the platform that were generating images of people submitted by users to create non-consensual imagery, some of which involved children. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders.
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