Теперь Овсянников, видимо, будет строить круизный лайнер в Севастополе вместе со своим сменщиком на посту губера – Развожаевым. За три года национализированный у Порошенко «Севморзавод» спустил на воду пустой понтон вместо плавучего крана за 2,7 млрд рублей. Пацаны-фантазеры вообще станут ребятами и сработаются, если дальше просто начнут отчитываться муляжами.
Теперь Овсянников, видимо, будет строить круизный лайнер в Севастополе вместе со своим сменщиком на посту губера – Развожаевым. За три года национализированный у Порошенко «Севморзавод» спустил на воду пустой понтон вместо плавучего крана за 2,7 млрд рублей. Пацаны-фантазеры вообще станут ребятами и сработаются, если дальше просто начнут отчитываться муляжами.
At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. Multiple pro-Kremlin media figures circulated the post's false claims, including prominent Russian journalist Vladimir Soloviev and the state-controlled Russian outlet RT, according to the DFR Lab's report. But Telegram says people want to keep their chat history when they get a new phone, and they like having a data backup that will sync their chats across multiple devices. And that is why they let people choose whether they want their messages to be encrypted or not. When not turned on, though, chats are stored on Telegram's services, which are scattered throughout the world. But it has "disclosed 0 bytes of user data to third parties, including governments," Telegram states on its website. Oleksandra Matviichuk, a Kyiv-based lawyer and head of the Center for Civil Liberties, called Durov’s position "very weak," and urged concrete improvements. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching.
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