И ведь в таком сравнении со стороны Ильича нет ничего удивительного, синдром дядюшки Рукуса - неизменная часть мировосприятия нижних слоёв любого имперского образования со сверхдешёвым (иногда в прямом смысле рабским) трудом. В данном случае хорошо вспомить цитату из книги "Долой неграмотность: Букварь для взрослых" от 1919 года "Мы не рабы, рабы не мы". Удивителен скорее тот факт, что автор данной азбуки, Александр Яковлевич Шнеер пережил величие 30х и ранних 50х годов 20го века.
И ведь в таком сравнении со стороны Ильича нет ничего удивительного, синдром дядюшки Рукуса - неизменная часть мировосприятия нижних слоёв любого имперского образования со сверхдешёвым (иногда в прямом смысле рабским) трудом. В данном случае хорошо вспомить цитату из книги "Долой неграмотность: Букварь для взрослых" от 1919 года "Мы не рабы, рабы не мы". Удивителен скорее тот факт, что автор данной азбуки, Александр Яковлевич Шнеер пережил величие 30х и ранних 50х годов 20го века.
BY Наивная политология
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Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." Telegram was co-founded by Pavel and Nikolai Durov, the brothers who had previously created VKontakte. VK is Russia’s equivalent of Facebook, a social network used for public and private messaging, audio and video sharing as well as online gaming. In January, SimpleWeb reported that VK was Russia’s fourth most-visited website, after Yandex, YouTube and Google’s Russian-language homepage. In 2016, Forbes’ Michael Solomon described Pavel Durov (pictured, below) as the “Mark Zuckerberg of Russia.” Oh no. There’s a certain degree of myth-making around what exactly went on, so take everything that follows lightly. Telegram was originally launched as a side project by the Durov brothers, with Nikolai handling the coding and Pavel as CEO, while both were at VK. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. "Like the bombing of the maternity ward in Mariupol," he said, "Even before it hits the news, you see the videos on the Telegram channels."
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