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❗️ В Грузии сторонники запада уже начинают превращать Тбилиси в мусорку.

Так сказать, ночные события, где отчетливо просматривается постепенное нагнетание ситуации.

Однако, также стоит отметить, что релоканты и титушки пришедшие на прозападный митинг не спешат лезть в прямое противостояние с полицией.

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❗️ В Грузии сторонники запада уже начинают превращать Тбилиси в мусорку.

Так сказать, ночные события, где отчетливо просматривается постепенное нагнетание ситуации.

Однако, также стоит отметить, что релоканты и титушки пришедшие на прозападный митинг не спешат лезть в прямое противостояние с полицией.

@karusel_am

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Some privacy experts say Telegram is not secure enough Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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