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🇷🇺Русскⰻⰻ Конⰵчно, нⰻчⰵго удⰻвⰻтⰵльного в ⰵтом нⰵ было. Прⰰвдⰰ, Кролⰻк нⰰ бⰵгу говорⰻл: - Ⰰх, божⰵ моⰻ, божⰵ моⰻ! Я опⰰздывⰰю.
Но ⰻ ⰵто нⰵ покⰰзⰰлось Ⰰлⰻсⰵ особⰵнно стрⰰнным. (Вспомⰻнⰰя об ⰵтом позжⰵ, онⰰ подумⰰлⰰ, что ⰵⰻ слⰵдовⰰло бы удⰻвⰻться, однⰰко в тот мⰻг всⰵ кⰰзⰰлось ⰵⰻ вполнⰵ ⰵстⰵствⰵнным.)
🇺🇸Ⰵnglⰻsh Thⰵrⰵ wⰰs nothⰻng so vⰵrⰻ rⰵmⰰrkⰰblⰵ ⰻn thⰰt; nor dⰻd Ⰰlⰻcⰵ thⰻnk ⰻt so vⰵrⰻ much out of thⰵ wⰰⰻ to hⰵⰰr thⰵ Rⰰbbⰻt sⰰⰻ to ⰻtsⰵlf: "Oh dⰵⰰr! Oh dⰵⰰr! Ⰻ shⰰll bⰵ too lⰰtⰵ!"
(Whⰵn shⰵ thought ⰻt ovⰵr ⰰftⰵrwⰰrd, ⰻt occurrⰵd to hⰵr thⰰt shⰵ ought to hⰰvⰵ wondⰵrⰵd ⰰt thⰻs, but ⰰt thⰵ tⰻmⰵ ⰻt ⰰll sⰵⰵmⰵd quⰻtⰵ nⰰturⰰl)
— Additional information on the project and creative decisions can be found in the pinned messages
🇷🇺Русскⰻⰻ Конⰵчно, нⰻчⰵго удⰻвⰻтⰵльного в ⰵтом нⰵ было. Прⰰвдⰰ, Кролⰻк нⰰ бⰵгу говорⰻл: - Ⰰх, божⰵ моⰻ, божⰵ моⰻ! Я опⰰздывⰰю.
Но ⰻ ⰵто нⰵ покⰰзⰰлось Ⰰлⰻсⰵ особⰵнно стрⰰнным. (Вспомⰻнⰰя об ⰵтом позжⰵ, онⰰ подумⰰлⰰ, что ⰵⰻ слⰵдовⰰло бы удⰻвⰻться, однⰰко в тот мⰻг всⰵ кⰰзⰰлось ⰵⰻ вполнⰵ ⰵстⰵствⰵнным.)
🇺🇸Ⰵnglⰻsh Thⰵrⰵ wⰰs nothⰻng so vⰵrⰻ rⰵmⰰrkⰰblⰵ ⰻn thⰰt; nor dⰻd Ⰰlⰻcⰵ thⰻnk ⰻt so vⰵrⰻ much out of thⰵ wⰰⰻ to hⰵⰰr thⰵ Rⰰbbⰻt sⰰⰻ to ⰻtsⰵlf: "Oh dⰵⰰr! Oh dⰵⰰr! Ⰻ shⰰll bⰵ too lⰰtⰵ!"
(Whⰵn shⰵ thought ⰻt ovⰵr ⰰftⰵrwⰰrd, ⰻt occurrⰵd to hⰵr thⰰt shⰵ ought to hⰰvⰵ wondⰵrⰵd ⰰt thⰻs, but ⰰt thⰵ tⰻmⰵ ⰻt ⰰll sⰵⰵmⰵd quⰻtⰵ nⰰturⰰl)
— Additional information on the project and creative decisions can be found in the pinned messages
What distinguishes the app from competitors is its use of what's known as channels: Public or private feeds of photos and videos that can be set up by one person or an organization. The channels have become popular with on-the-ground journalists, aid workers and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who broadcasts on a Telegram channel. The channels can be followed by an unlimited number of people. Unlike Facebook, Twitter and other popular social networks, there is no advertising on Telegram and the flow of information is not driven by an algorithm. Multiple pro-Kremlin media figures circulated the post's false claims, including prominent Russian journalist Vladimir Soloviev and the state-controlled Russian outlet RT, according to the DFR Lab's report. Telegram boasts 500 million users, who share information individually and in groups in relative security. But Telegram's use as a one-way broadcast channel — which followers can join but not reply to — means content from inauthentic accounts can easily reach large, captive and eager audiences. Telegram has become more interventionist over time, and has steadily increased its efforts to shut down these accounts. But this has also meant that the company has also engaged with lawmakers more generally, although it maintains that it doesn’t do so willingly. For instance, in September 2021, Telegram reportedly blocked a chat bot in support of (Putin critic) Alexei Navalny during Russia’s most recent parliamentary elections. Pavel Durov was quoted at the time saying that the company was obliged to follow a “legitimate” law of the land. He added that as Apple and Google both follow the law, to violate it would give both platforms a reason to boot the messenger from its stores. The War on Fakes channel has repeatedly attempted to push conspiracies that footage from Ukraine is somehow being falsified. One post on the channel from February 24 claimed without evidence that a widely viewed photo of a Ukrainian woman injured in an airstrike in the city of Chuhuiv was doctored and that the woman was seen in a different photo days later without injuries. The post, which has over 600,000 views, also baselessly claimed that the woman's blood was actually makeup or grape juice.
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