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Вунгтау — курортный и нефтяной город во Вьетнаме.

Нефтяной, потому что тут база русско-вьетнамской нефтедобывающей компании «Вьетсовпетро». Про них позже, это отдельный угар.
Курортный, потому что тут море, набережные, куча морепродуктов вкусных и очень даже тихо-спокойно в сравнении с Сайгоном.

А ещё тут есть самая большая в Азии статуя Иисуса Христа. Она всего на 6 метров ниже своего аналога в Рио.
Вот к ней я сегодня на рассвете и сгонял. Прошел 900 ступеней и забрался к сыну божьему буквально за пазуху.



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Вунгтау — курортный и нефтяной город во Вьетнаме.

Нефтяной, потому что тут база русско-вьетнамской нефтедобывающей компании «Вьетсовпетро». Про них позже, это отдельный угар.
Курортный, потому что тут море, набережные, куча морепродуктов вкусных и очень даже тихо-спокойно в сравнении с Сайгоном.

А ещё тут есть самая большая в Азии статуя Иисуса Христа. Она всего на 6 метров ниже своего аналога в Рио.
Вот к ней я сегодня на рассвете и сгонял. Прошел 900 ступеней и забрался к сыну божьему буквально за пазуху.

BY Лось (19,6)











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The last couple days have exemplified that uncertainty. On Thursday, news emerged that talks in Turkey between the Russia and Ukraine yielded no positive result. But on Friday, Reuters reported that Russian President Vladimir Putin said there had been some “positive shifts” in talks between the two sides. One thing that Telegram now offers to all users is the ability to “disappear” messages or set remote deletion deadlines. That enables users to have much more control over how long people can access what you’re sending them. Given that Russian law enforcement officials are reportedly (via Insider) stopping people in the street and demanding to read their text messages, this could be vital to protect individuals from reprisals. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. In a message on his Telegram channel recently recounting the episode, Durov wrote: "I lost my company and my home, but would do it again – without hesitation."
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Telegram Лось (19,6)
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