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Дети главного оппозиционного кандидата в президенты Абхазии ходят не в абхазскую, а сочинскую школу. И абхазский язык они знают плохо, в сочинской школе кто будет его преподавать?

Адгур Ардзинба вчера на пресс-конференции пытался захватить власть харизмой, многословностью, нарочитой как бы открытостью, но когда попадал в подобный капкан — проваливался по полной и это очень заметно.

👍 @pridybaylo_k
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Дети главного оппозиционного кандидата в президенты Абхазии ходят не в абхазскую, а сочинскую школу. И абхазский язык они знают плохо, в сочинской школе кто будет его преподавать?

Адгур Ардзинба вчера на пресс-конференции пытался захватить власть харизмой, многословностью, нарочитой как бы открытостью, но когда попадал в подобный капкан — проваливался по полной и это очень заметно.

👍 @pridybaylo_k

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Two days after Russia invaded Ukraine, an account on the Telegram messaging platform posing as President Volodymyr Zelenskiy urged his armed forces to surrender. Telegram does offer end-to-end encrypted communications through Secret Chats, but this is not the default setting. Standard conversations use the MTProto method, enabling server-client encryption but with them stored on the server for ease-of-access. This makes using Telegram across multiple devices simple, but also means that the regular Telegram chats you’re having with folks are not as secure as you may believe. Just days after Russia invaded Ukraine, Durov wrote that Telegram was "increasingly becoming a source of unverified information," and he worried about the app being used to "incite ethnic hatred." The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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