Ответ на этот вопрос – в заявлении Путина, в части о производстве и размещении ракет.
На "Южмаше" есть цех по производству и сборку украинских баллистических ракет "Гром-2". Точнее сказать, вероятно уже был – даже без спецбч на 10 махах чисто кинетикой его должно было развалить.
Параллельно наверняка развалили и цеха по БПЛА, но это вторичная цель. Целью удара были именно "Гром-2", скорее всего собираемые на импортных комплектующих при помощи иностранных специалистов.
То есть, в целом – в ударе был и военный смысл, не только демонстрация, тут признаю неправоту.
Ответ на этот вопрос – в заявлении Путина, в части о производстве и размещении ракет.
На "Южмаше" есть цех по производству и сборку украинских баллистических ракет "Гром-2". Точнее сказать, вероятно уже был – даже без спецбч на 10 махах чисто кинетикой его должно было развалить.
Параллельно наверняка развалили и цеха по БПЛА, но это вторичная цель. Целью удара были именно "Гром-2", скорее всего собираемые на импортных комплектующих при помощи иностранных специалистов.
То есть, в целом – в ударе был и военный смысл, не только демонстрация, тут признаю неправоту.
BY Русские, вперёд!
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The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Messages are not fully encrypted by default. That means the company could, in theory, access the content of the messages, or be forced to hand over the data at the request of a government. Overall, extreme levels of fear in the market seems to have morphed into something more resembling concern. For example, the Cboe Volatility Index fell from its 2022 peak of 36, which it hit Monday, to around 30 on Friday, a sign of easing tensions. Meanwhile, while the price of WTI crude oil slipped from Sunday’s multiyear high $130 of barrel to $109 a pop. Markets have been expecting heavy restrictions on Russian oil, some of which the U.S. has already imposed, and that would reduce the global supply and bring about even more burdensome inflation. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. At the start of 2018, the company attempted to launch an Initial Coin Offering (ICO) which would enable it to enable payments (and earn the cash that comes from doing so). The initial signals were promising, especially given Telegram’s user base is already fairly crypto-savvy. It raised an initial tranche of cash – worth more than a billion dollars – to help develop the coin before opening sales to the public. Unfortunately, third-party sales of coins bought in those initial fundraising rounds raised the ire of the SEC, which brought the hammer down on the whole operation. In 2020, officials ordered Telegram to pay a fine of $18.5 million and hand back much of the cash that it had raised.
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