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1月13日的中华民国总统和立法委员选举,赖清德萧美琴(民进党)获558万6019票当选总统副总统。侯友宜赵少康(国民党)获467万1021票,柯文哲吴欣盈(民众党)获369万0466票。 全国不分区政党票:民进党得票36.16%,国民党得票34.58%,民众党得票22.07%。时代力量得票2.57%,失去席位(需多于5%)政党补助款(3%)但保住了直接参选下届不分区(2%)和捐款抵税(1%)资格。其余政党得票均低于1%。 区域和原住民立委:民进党38席,国民党41席(计入两名无党籍*),分布如图。其余政党…
台湾,韩国瑜1月18日宣布:江启臣为立法院副院长候选人,与他(韩国瑜为立法院院长参选人)搭档参选;但若民众党愿意,民众党推出的人选将代替江启臣。
新一届立法院将于2月1日开幕,当日无记名互选产生院长副院长,表决方式是“如无过半人选,则投第二轮决胜”。最大党团国民党定于1月22日开新科立委座谈会、1月30日举行院长副院长假投票。
因三党不过半,蓝绿提出的人选都需取得民众党立委支持。民众党1月15日提出“四项改革承诺”作为支持人选的条件,被民进党团回绝,国民党团也未完全承允。
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台湾,韩国瑜1月18日宣布:江启臣为立法院副院长候选人,与他(韩国瑜为立法院院长参选人)搭档参选;但若民众党愿意,民众党推出的人选将代替江启臣。
新一届立法院将于2月1日开幕,当日无记名互选产生院长副院长,表决方式是“如无过半人选,则投第二轮决胜”。最大党团国民党定于1月22日开新科立委座谈会、1月30日举行院长副院长假投票。
因三党不过半,蓝绿提出的人选都需取得民众党立委支持。民众党1月15日提出“四项改革承诺”作为支持人选的条件,被民进党团回绝,国民党团也未完全承允。
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He floated the idea of restricting the use of Telegram in Ukraine and Russia, a suggestion that was met with fierce opposition from users. Shortly after, Durov backed off the idea. DFR Lab sent the image through Microsoft Azure's Face Verification program and found that it was "highly unlikely" that the person in the second photo was the same as the first woman. The fact-checker Logically AI also found the claim to be false. The woman, Olena Kurilo, was also captured in a video after the airstrike and shown to have the injuries. Overall, extreme levels of fear in the market seems to have morphed into something more resembling concern. For example, the Cboe Volatility Index fell from its 2022 peak of 36, which it hit Monday, to around 30 on Friday, a sign of easing tensions. Meanwhile, while the price of WTI crude oil slipped from Sunday’s multiyear high $130 of barrel to $109 a pop. Markets have been expecting heavy restrictions on Russian oil, some of which the U.S. has already imposed, and that would reduce the global supply and bring about even more burdensome inflation. But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders.
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